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Of course I'm not forcing you to do anything if you don't want to, but seriously, what have you got to lose? Five seconds of your life?
And wow, babies can remember things for ten minutes and then forget them. So they're a blank slate for ten minutes and then get erased. Makes all the difference, clearly.
Two points: first, the vast majority of abortions take place before the 30th week (that's seven months in, you realise?), and second, I would be extremely skeptical of people who claim to remember the womb, or even anything under about a year of age. The brain is very, very good at inventing memories it thinks you should have.
article said:Other types of rapes that would no longer be covered by the exemption include rapes in which the woman was drugged or given excessive amounts of alcohol, rapes of women with limited mental capacity, and many date rapes.
As most of us know, Roe v. Wade is the infamous Supreme Court decision that determined that states cannot restrict a mother's access to abortions during all nine months of pregnancy. I would like to posit my concurrence in part of the decision of the Court, but also explain how it went too far in its decision.
The main question before the Court was whether the right to privacy, as previously established in Griswold v. Connecticut, included the right for a woman to procure an abortion. (In Griswold, the Court held that “marital privacy” overrode Connecticut’s law banning contraceptives. This case was the first to establish a right to privacy.)
Justice Blackmun, writing the majority opinion, answered the question before the Court in the affirmative, thus adding another specific right to the general right to privacy. (This right is commonly called “a woman’s right to her body” or “right of reproduction”.)
I will briefly introduce the reasoning behind the Court’s decision.
The Court based its decision on three things: (1) legal precedent (Griswold v. Connecticut); (2) the Ninth Amendment, which states citizens have other rights than the ones listed in the Constitution (fundamental rights); and (3), most importantly, the Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process clause, which prohibits state and local governments from depriving persons of life, liberty, or property without certain steps being taken to ensure fairness.
I fully support Justice Blackmun’s assertion that (1) reproductive rights are a fundamental right as defined by the Ninth Amendment, (2) due process protects fundamental rights on the federal, state, and local levels, and (3) that the right to privacy fully protects reproductive rights. (Imagine the government telling you whether or not you could have a baby; the image should remind one of China’s authoritarian law allowing only one baby per family.) As Justice Blackmun stated: “Few decisions are more personal and intimate, more properly private, or more basic to individual dignity and autonomy, than a woman's decision.”
It is at this point, however, that Justice Blackmun leaves the arena of Constitutional interpretation and enters into full-blown legislation. Instead of ending the opinion once the issue at hand had been addressed, he goes on to create his own standards for when the States should allow and disallow abortion. Instead of letting the States decide in which trimesters to allow, regulate, and prohibit abortion, Justice Blackmun creates sweeping regulations out of thin air, with no concern for the Constitution at all. As liberal prosecutor Archibald Cox wrote, “[Roe’s] failure to confront the issue in principled terms leaves the opinion to read like a set of hospital rules and regulations. . . . Neither historian, nor layman, nor lawyer will be persuaded that all the prescriptions of Justice Blackmun are part of the Constitution.”
A more proper decision would have been: “Yes, abortion is an individual, fundamental right and thus should not be completely disallowed, but this Court recognizes differences in opinion exist and, as such, we remand to the individual States the ability to allow, regulate, and prohibit abortion as they see fit.”
This decision allows for both reproductive rights (most laws worldwide provide for legal abortion up to around 20 weeks) and federalism (the States set their own abortion standards).
A more proper decision would have been: “Yes, abortion is an individual, fundamental right and thus should not be completely disallowed, but this Court recognizes differences in opinion exist and, as such, we remand to the individual States the ability to allow, regulate, and prohibit abortion as they see fit.”
I wonder, do you hold the same position on marriage equality?
The constitution is very limited on what Congress can and cannot do, and none of Article One section eight mentions domestic ethical issue regulation
the tenth amendment then securing this right only to the states.
Ignoring for the moment what it actually says in the constitution, do you genuinely believe states should be allowed to restrict marriage equality rights/abortion rights as they see fit, even if you acknowledge that doing so represents discrimination against a certain group?
EDIT: You say the Fourteenth Amendment might be used to argue in favour of federal marriage equality. Why could it not also be used to argue in favour of abortion rights?
Meaning you can't offer a legal institution like marriage to only a select demographic (man-woman couples). Abortion is only for one demographic: women.